“Progressives did not work in factories; they inspected them. Progressives did not drink in saloons; they tried to shutter them. The bold women who chose to live among the immigrant poor in city slums called themselves “settlers,” not neighbors. Even when progressives idealized workers, they tended to patronize them, romanticizing a brotherhood they would never consider joining.

The distance progressives placed between themselves and ordinary people was not the product of class prejudice alone. Some progressives came from privilege, but far more were children of middle class ministers and missionaries, a number of whom struggled before finding vocational outlets for their intellectual and reform energies. The few who had known real deprivation…never romanticized it.” – Thomas C. Leonard, Illiberal Reformers: Race, Eugenics and American Economics in the Progressive Era (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017), p. 7.

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Revolution, which suggests abrupt discontinuity or rupture, is an imperfect term for changes wrought [in the U.S.] over forty years [1870s-1917]. But revolution is not inappropriate when we recognize that the late-nineteenth-century American economic transformation launched the United States on a permanently different economic course, with profoundly far-reaching and long-lived consequences. Between the end of Reconstruction and the United States’ entry into the First World War [1877-1917], the speed and scope of economic change was such that few Americans could be spectators only. Welcome or not, change was thrust on them, and there was no choice but to meet it.” – Thomas C. Leonard, Illiberal Reformers: Race, Eugenics and American Economics in the Progressive Era (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017), p. 5.

“By their actions or, more accurately, inaction, the council and police allowed Rotherham’s sexual predators to believe they were untouchable; that nothing would happen to them as long as they didn’t cause too much trouble. In that climate, the abuse of children flourished.” – Jayne Senior, Broken and Betrayed: The true story of the Rotherham abuse scandal by the woman who fought to expose it (London: Pan Books, 2016), pp. 357-358.

“If we’d [Risky Business] been listened to and if we’d been taken seriously from the start, so many of these 1,400 victims [of the Rotherham abuse scandal] would never have been victims at all. They’d have been normal little girls, allowed to live their lives in peace and without fear or threat. Risky Business had been badly let down, yes, but we were grown-ups. It was, and still remains, the victims of Rotherham who were failed most terribly…” – Jayne Senior, Broken and Betrayed: The true story of the Rotherham abuse scandal by the woman who fought to expose it (London: Pan Books, 2016), p. 294.

“Right from the start the police seemed very uncomfortable indeed about the information we were collecting and passing on, particularly when it involved ethnicity. We were told that passing on such information ‘violated the human rights’ of those we were accusing and that we must think very carefully about that, plus the ‘lack of evidence’ from our side. It seemed that from the beginning the rights of the girls not to be abused came way below those of their abusers.” – Jayne Senior, Broken and Betrayed: The true story of the Rotherham abuse scandal by the woman who fought to expose it (London: Pan Books, 2016), pp. 72-73.

“Alison [a 14-year old victim of the grooming gangs] was involved with an older man of Pakistani heritage from Sheffield who was pimping her to other abusers. For a long time she could see nothing wrong with what was going on.

‘But he’s a really nice bloke!’ she said as I tried to point out that men of thirty don’t usually have fourteen-year-old ‘girlfriends’. ‘He’s got a sports car and he takes me out in it, and we go out for meals and everyone’s dead jealous of me.’

‘What about the other stuff?’ I said. ‘You know … when he makes you do things that aren’t nice? And when he makes you see his friends?’

‘Yeah but that’s my choice. Honestly, I’m fine wi’ it.’

‘And what would you think if he was asking your little sister to do the same stuff?’

‘No way! I wouldn’t let her. I’d kill anyone who went near her!’

‘So why is it all right that you’re doing those things?’

I was trying hard not to tell her she had been groomed and exploited. I didn’t want to put words in her mouth. Instead, I was trying to steer her in a direction where she’d eventually come to her own conclusions. And as time went on, she would indeed discover the truth for herself, and to her cost.” – Jayne Senior, Broken and Betrayed: The true story of the Rotherham abuse scandal by the woman who fought to expose it (London: Pan Books, 2016), p. 55.

“If anything is evident it should be that, while nations might abide by formal rules on which they have agreed, they will never submit to the direction which international economic planning involves – that while they may agree on the rules of the game, they will never agree on the order of preference in which the rank of their own needs and the rate at which they are allowed to advance is fixed by majority vote. Even if, at first, the peoples should, under some illusion about the meaning of such proposals, agree to transfer such powers to an international authority, they would soon find out that what they have delegated is not merely a technical task, but the most comprehensive power over their very lives.” – F. A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (New York: Routledge Classics, 1944/2001), p. 236.

“The virtues possessed by the British people possessed in a higher degree than most other people…were independence and self-reliance, individual initiative and local responsibility, the successful reliance on voluntary activity, non-interference with one’s neighbour and tolerance of the different and queer, respect for custom and tradition, and a healthy suspicion of power and authority. British strength, British character, and British achievements are to a great extent the result of a cultivation of the spontaneous.” – F. A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (New York: Routledge Classics, 1944/2001), p. 220.

“Freedom to order our own conduct in the sphere where material circumstances force a choice upon us, and responsibility for the arrangement of our own life according to our own conscience, is the air in which alone moral sense grows and in which moral values are daily re-created in the free decision of the individual. Responsibility, not to a superior, but to one’s conscience, the awareness of a duty not exacted by compulsion, the necessity to decide which of the things one values are to be sacrificed to others, and to bear the consequences of one’s own decision, are the very essence of any morals which deserve the name.” – F. A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (New York: Routledge Classics, 1944/2001), p. 217.

“Only make the position of the monopolist once more that of the whipping boy of economic policy and you will be surprised how quickly most of the abler entrepreneurs will rediscover their taste for the bracing air of competition!” – F. A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (New York: Routledge Classics, 1944/2001), p. 204.